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The Nature of The Iranian Protests

This article is written by a student writer from the Her Campus at Siena chapter.

When the Iranian protests of 2017-18 broke out in December, many Western folks did not really have the background knowledge to decipher their meaning, but they took to Twitter anyway in an attempt to explain, understand and pick sides. Many were also quick to attribute the discontent solely to repressive Islam or to the high price of bread, and many found similarities between the protests and the Green Movement, all of which are politically inept and dishonest explanations of the nature of these protests. This article is an attempt at a guide for ones trying to understand the context, participation, motivations and the significance of the most recent Iranian protests.

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Where and why did the protests start?

The demonstrations started in the city of Mashhad. Demonstrators showcased anti-establishment anger. Protestors were motivated by the economic struggles of the working class, government cuts to the pension program and the increasing interference of the theocratic state in personal life. The motivation behind the public display of anger is imperative to the understanding of the protests and Iran’s sociopolitical discourse. Protestors chanted anti-Rouhani slogans. So what does that tell us about the protestors? That indicates that the protestors are likely individuals who usually are wary of political participation and tend not to vote- that is not to disregard the disillusioned Rouhani supporters.

However, the theocracy blames its “enemies” for having backed the anti-government movement — which is only a hasty self-preservation tactic. The Iranian people can think and deduce their own political reality for themselves.

Is all political discontentment in Muslim countries rooted in a deep opposition of Islam?

The obvious answer is no. Political phenomenon ought to be studied as political phenomenon despite its context. Every time a Muslim woman protests, Western social media cries “oppressive hijab”- completely undermining the political intelligence and agency of these women. The Iranian people, and more so Iranian women, are not one-dimensional beings whose only problem is a state-mandated hijab. Even when Iranian women protest this state-mandated hijab, it does not mean that they hate their religion: it means that they want reform and alleviation of economic hardship along with the freedom to dress their own bodies. That, however, does not automatically mean that all Iranian women want to drop their religion of immense bondage, they just want to practice their agency, take up space and demand their rights. The public display of taking off the hijab in the December protests developed later on as the demonstrations spread. The state-imposed hijab is a symbol of the oppressive regime and taking it off as a protest is an integral part of the resistance, but it is not the only one. Despite the Western media’s constant attempts at hijacking the Iranian people’s struggle, it is important to note that young women and men are equal participants. So the age-old rhetoric of “liberate the Muslim women from the Muslim men” falls embarrassingly short in terms of explanation.

Are these protests like the ones in 2009?

These recent protests are intense, but are not as big as the ones in 2009. The Green Movement had more revolutionary ideals, whereas these demonstrations have shown more of a civil rights movement character. An important aspect of the Green Movement was the hierarchy and prominent leadership of the political elite — they had specific political goals. That is not the case in these protests. These protestors come from different walks of life and are advocating for the experiences of the common men and women. There is visible dissatisfaction with the supreme leader’s rule. This, however, leads to the state-repression of these protests. The state has restricted access to social media websites/apps, has arrested hundreds of people and 21 have died.

What is next?

Many note that the protests will be successfully put down by the government, but the dissatisfaction will remain and resurface.

“In 1979 Iranians experienced a revolution without democracy; today they aspire for democracy without a revolution.” – Karim Sadjadpour, an Iranian-American policy analyst at the Carnegie Endowment.

Khizra Awan is a Siena College Class of 2021 alumna. During her time at Siena, she studied Political Science.